Is there something inherently bad in the type of activity we associate with “precarious labor”, or can precarious labor be made safe, without foregoing its flexibility and fluidity? The assumption that work which is short-term, mobile, variable in intensity and adaptive is bad is tied, of course, to its frequent connection to a lack of guarantees of financial support that allows for future planning, provision for needs such as health care and time-off, and social/legal standing. The Fordist factory work is replaced by the migrant day-laborer, the adjunct instructor, the consultant, the temp…. Obviously, these figures are highly useful for Capital, given its own emphasis on mobility, profit-margins, efficiently, global reach, and it seems not unlikely that capitalism takes little account of human needs or life plans, much less suffering. And there is very real danger that some workers, particularly those (often women) engaged in sex work or global domestic employment, who lack legal or practical protection. It is highly unlikely that, of its own accord or even perhaps with pressure, the working world will revert to a model where each household is headed by a breadwinner who stays at a company throughout his life and is stable in this position (if this was even truly true). But, along with the uncertainly engendered by precarious labor, and the frequency with which the precarious do the same work as others who have more guarantees, without receiving the same compensation or respect, there are also ways in which precarious labor is beneficial. Surely a world in which work is not restricted to the options of 9-5, 5 days a week is potential beneficial to family life, as well as those who pursue art or education as well as employment.
Precarious labor, of course, is experienced in different ways by different classes, and those devestated by the shifts in the job market since 2008 are most often middle-aged men who were exposes to emasulation and mass experiences of superfluidity, and the ability to set own’s own hours at the unemployment office is surely not a valuable gain. But, if the economists are right that certain types of jobs will not return, certainly a more broadly flexible conception and practice, perhaps combined with more robust options for technical re-training for adults, could alleviate at least some of the existential precariousness of this situation. Similarly, for the actual poor, for whom “precariousness” is often a euphemism for either absolute exclusion or minimum wage slavery, particularly for the millions of paperless immigrants who perform much of the unwanted work in the developed world, some sort of guarentee of security, both material and in terms of the possibility of entering into history of “being sombody”, not in the vulgar sense, but in the sense of the dignity of living in the company of others who might remember your story, should be possible.
Labor is precarious not because it is flexible, part-time or connected to maintenance of life and the private sphere, but because this model of laboring is seen as apolitical, private, and valueless. It is, paradoxically, seen as superflous, even as it is actually key to the operations of the secured operations (thus, a Day without Immigrants would actually bring most cities to a standstill). This is the work that builds and cares for the public space, which is paradoxically allowing its evisceration on the grounds of economic necessity. Decoupling the political from the public, and from paid, full-time employment, so that the citizen is more than a good worker, and so that material and social benefits are untied to one’s employment status, is one way to begin to make precarious labor, whether it the work of mothers, sex workers, secretaries or interns more safe.